When Richard “White Boy Rick” Wershe, Jr. truly was a boy he
and a pal used to ride their bikes through their east side Detroit neighborhood
noting which houses were dope houses and who operated them. That knowledge
would eventually lead Wershe to become a teenaged confidential—secret—informant
for the FBI.
To understand how a kid could be an important FBI source it’s
important to understand the Detroit of Rick Wershe Jr.’s world back then. The
previous post provided a snapshot of the city’s mayor-monarch-emperor-dear
leader of those days, Coleman A. Young and the culture of corruption among some
in the police department. This post is about Detroit street life from the era
when Rick Wershe Jr. was growing up.
Why, one might wonder, couldn’t the police see what little
Ricky Wershe and his friend could see on their bike excursions through the
neighborhood? Too often the police knew full well about the dope houses but
allowed them to flourish. The dope houses kept operating because they were
paying off the cops.
It’s time to say most Detroit police officers were and are
hard-working and honest people doing a tough but interesting job in order to
support their families and earn a decent pension. (Note to DPOA and LSA union
members: don’t contact me to bust my chops about the term “decent pension.”)
But to use the description of Detroit’s illustrious former
mayor, Coleman Young, some of the city’s criminals wore blue uniforms and
silver badges.
The biggest Detroit police corruption case of Richard Wershe
Jr.’s youth was the so-called 10th Precinct Case, also known as the
Pingree Street Conspiracy. The 10th Precinct narcotics conspiracy
indictment came down the year Coleman Young was elected mayor. There was police
corruption before him. There was police corruption after him. Some things never
change.
Before this case, the 10th Precinct was best
known as the starting place of the 1967 Detroit riot. The riot began after a
middle-of-the-night police raid on an illegal after-hours drinking and gambling
joint known in Detroit as a blind pig. Black resentment of the mostly white
police had been building. They were seen as an occupying force. Patrol units
were backed up by precinct support cruisers known as The Big Foh (Four). Four
burly, ready-to-rumble cops would cruise around in big black four-door sedans,
each officer ready to bail out and kick ass if need be. They were armed with
Thompson sub-machine guns and shotguns. On occasions, tracer rounds from the
Tommy guns were fired in the air or at the ground ahead of a fleeing suspect to
persuade him to stop. It worked.
One Big Foh officer had the nickname Rotation Slim. He
wasn’t a particularly big guy but his street fighting skills were legendary. If
he and his cruiser crew saw a group of black guys congregated on a corner and
looking the least bit suspicious, Slim would jump out of the car and say, “I’m
going to rotate around the block. If any of you are still here when I get back I’m
going to beat the shit out of you.” The guys on the corner knew he meant it and
knew he was quite capable of administering a severe thrashing. If you were
black and male in Detroit, your civil rights any given day were whatever the
Big Foh decided they were.
The police/community dynamic in the 10th Precinct
didn’t change much after the riot. But the murder rate in the 10th
was rising rapidly due to widespread dope dealing. There were growing citizen complaints
that the drug trade was flourishing with the help of police corruption. A
secret investigation was launched.
The investigation was a combined city/county task force
effort led by George Bennett, a taciturn black lieutenant who deeply resented
years of white racism in the Detroit Police department. Distrust of his fellow
officers, especially the white ones, seemed to be Bennett’s default mind-set.
There was a nagging suspicion Bennett’s superiors gave him the 10th
Precinct investigation because they believed he would fail. They didn’t like
Bennett’s complaints about racism in the department.
Bennett had a hand-picked team of investigators known as
Detail 318 plucked from outside the ranks of the narcotics units. Most of Bennett’s
investigators were black. To the surprise and perhaps dismay of many in the
command ranks, Bennett and Detail 318 succeeded.
The “Pingree Street Conspiracy” was a massive prosecution.
Each defendant was entitled to his own defense counsel who could challenge
prospective jurors during the selection process. As a result, jury selection
began in the large auditorium of the City/County building because there was no
courtroom in the city large enough for the jury pool, defendants and defense
counsel.
The defendants were narcs and major black drug dealers. It
was a window in to the corrosive effect of illegal narcotics on the streets of
Detroit. The list of defendants was long and included most of the members of
the 10th Police Precinct narcotics unit led by Sgt. Rudy Davis. The
accused officers were white and black. The color that mattered most was the
color green, as in the cash that was lining their pockets. The beefy white
sergeant and his crew were accused of taking bribes from some drug dealers in
the precinct while ripping off their rivals in raids which amounted to plain
police robbery. The civilian defendants included dope gangsters like Milton
“Happy” Battle, George “Texas Slim” Dudley and Harold “Boo” Turner. Other
characters in the case had names like Snitchin’ Bill and Alabama Red.
The 10th Precinct case was the result of a county
grand jury indictment, which was based on the testimony of a number of
witnesses who had been part of the scheme. They agreed to testify to get a deal
on their own prosecution. That’s right. The 10th Precinct Conspiracy
was a major case built mostly on the testimony of informants, of snitches.
This post will feature direct quotes from the prosecution’s
court motion to bind the defendants over for trial. Quotes from the prosecution
motion will be in italics.
The document provides a window in to drug dealing and police
corruption in Detroit—two crimes Richard Wershe, Jr. helped the FBI pursue a
few years later.
The prosecution alleged Milton “Happy” Battle was at the top
of the competitive dope-slinging pyramid in the 10th Police
Precinct. Eventually Battle pleaded guilty and he became a prosecution
witness—a snitch—who was taken in to protective custody. His life was in danger
for testifying against crooked cops.
When he was rockin’ and rollin’ in the 10th
Precinct dope market, Battle understood the retailing concept of making his
product available through easy-access:
These four witnesses
have testified to at least 21 locations where Milton Battle sold heroin or
cocaine.
A certain national coffee shop chain would have been envious
of Battle’s market penetration in the 10th Precinct. Milton Battle
showed a willingness to learn from the experience of other dope dealers:
Roy McNeal testified
that Harold “Rook” Davis advised him and Battle that they could be free from
raids on their narcotics house if they would pay off Sergeant Rudy Davis.
Battle took this advice.
McNeal, Milton Battle’s drug business partner, was no slouch
at the retailing game, either. Amid stiff competition to supply the junkies of
the 10th Precinct, McNeal, also known as Alabama Red, blatantly advertised:
McNeal posted signs on
telephone poles saying, “Buy one cap, get a free dinner,” signed Alabama Red.
When the consumer purchased the narcotics he was treated to barbecue spare
ribs, potato salad, pork and beans and white bread, with a Sunday special of
turkey and dressing.
Alabama Red also grasped the concept of “full service”:
Besides selling
narcotics, they would sell and rent needles and droppers to the users, provide
“hit men” to find the veins of those addicts who could not do it by themselves,
and were prepared to give emergency medical treatment in case of an overdose.
As for Sgt. Davis, the head of the Precinct Narcotics Unit:
The testimony against
Rudy Davis reveals a pattern of increasing involvement in the narcotics trade.
Davis started out by taking money to prevent police raids on dope houses but
later progressed to setting up raids of dope pads and splitting the money and narcotics
confiscated with his cohorts. These raids were done with Roy McNeal’s
cooperation and were aimed at people who were competitors of McNeal’s and
Battle. Thus Davis killed two birds with one stone: He eliminated competition
for his favored narcotics dealers and at the same time reaped a handsome profit
for himself in the form of confiscated money and narcotics.
Drug trafficking is a rough and deadly business, as the 10th
Precinct case amply demonstrated:
Wiley Reed
testified…that (James) Moody came around whenever Battle called him. Moody’s
function was to kill people for Battle.
During the summer of
1970, Moody, under Battle’s orders, killed a narcotics dealer named Charles
Birney at the LaPlayer’s Lounge. Battle ordered Birney’s death because he
(Birney) owed Battle heroin and money.
LaPlayers Lounge, fittingly located on Joy Road in Detroit
was a favorite hangout for dopers and hitmen. Once, a pair of hitmen came in
looking for a man they had been hired to kill. They found him, with a
bodyguard. They asked the bodyguard to step aside. He refused. One of the
hitmen shrugged and said, “Take two.” They shot both men dead.
Homicide detectives relished taking witness statements at
LaPlayers Lounge murders. One investigator told me there could be 10-15
witnesses to a murder yet when the police arrived, all of them claimed they
were in the men’s room when the shooting occurred. The LaPlayers Lounge men’s
room had enough space for a toilet stall, a urinal and a sink. That’s it:
Larry McNeal also
testified to yet another murder by Battle in furtherance of his narcotics
business. He testified that Battle told him that he had James Moody kill Burma
Turner at La Player’s Lounge.
James Moody may have been Milton Battle’s go-to hitman but
someone had to clean up the mess:
A continuing occurance
(sic) in a narcotic (sic) conspiracy of this magnitude is the murder of people
for reasons connected with narcotics. A corollary need to murder is the
necessity of disposing of the body, a chore that Moe Bivens undertook for
Battle.
The drug underworld is a dangerous place, even for hitmen
like James Moody. He and a dope-house-robber named Wiley Reed once kidnapped
Milton Battle until he paid some money he owed Moody. Wiley Reed was a tall
dark-skinned black man notable for the large pinkish bandage he wore over one
side of his face to cover the spot where his jaw had been, before it had been
shot off.
One of Milton Battle’s pals in the dope trade was an older,
tough-as-nails guy named George “Texas Slim” Dudley.
Roy McNeal testified in the summer of 1971, after the
kidnapping of Milton Battle, he went to George Dudley’s house to pick up some
cocaine from Battle. There was a cocaine-sniffing party underway, attended by
Battle, Wiley Reed, Kenneth Reeves and James Moody:
An argument started
between Dudley and Moody over the kidnapping of Battle from Dudley’s house on
an earlier date. Dudley subsequently shot and killed Moody during this
argument. Reed and Reeves stripped Moody’s body took it to the bathroom and
Dudley ran water in the tub. Dudley then forced Battle to mutilate the body and
Dudley then wrapped a bare extension cord around the body. They placed the body
in the tub and plugged the cord in the wall. They wrapped the body in a blanket
and tied it. Reeves brought Moody’s car to the rear of Dudley’s house and
Moody’s body was placed in the trunk of his own car, a green and white El
Dorado. Dudley, Reeves and Reed then drove Moody’s car to the Metropolitan
Airport and McNeal, Reeves, Reed and Dudley returned to Detroit in Dudley’s
car.
Dudley was driving a 1971 Cadillac Brougham, known in the
ghetto as a Bro-Ham. It was cool to be seen cruising the ghetto in a new
Cadillac customized with a diamond shape in the rear window while doing the “gangsta
lean.” The driver would lean to his right and put his right arm on the armrest
as opposed to sitting upright in the driver’s seat. For added style the driver
might wear a so-called Big Apple hat which was cocked to the left so it would
appear horizontal to the car while the driver leaned to the right. There was even a song about it.
Diamond in the back, sunroof top
Diggin' the scene
With a gangsta lean
Gangsta whitewalls
TV antennas in the back
—Be Thankful for What You've Got
- William DeVaughn
In addition to his cool car Dudley apparently had a large
firearms collection which he put to good use:
Dudley’s involvement
in the conspiracy went beyond selling narcotics and being the host for
cocaine-snorting get-togethers and murders…Reed also testified that he has
observed many bullet holes in a bedroom wall at 1410 Atkinson. This was the
result of Dudley standing people up along the wall and shooting at them.
Murder among dopers was no big deal to the narcotics cops of
the 10th Precinct:
Roy McNeal also made
active plans to kill Reed. He told Patrolman (Robert) Mitchell that he was
going to kill Reed for robbing his narcotics operation. Patrolman Mitchell told
him, "If you kill the son-of-a-bitch, take him out to (sic) the house and if I take you downtown, there
won’t be nothing done about it."
Just like traffic cops who have a quota of tickets they must
write each month, the narcs had raid stats to maintain. The prosecution’s
bind-over motion noted an exchange between Roy “Alabama Red” McNeal and Patrolman
Robert “Mustache” Mitchell. McNeal had been paying Mitchell but Mitchell’s
assignment had changed, so he had an alternative idea:
"You know now I
am with the Metro unit, and we have a lot of places we cannot get in. We need
someone like you that can get us into these places." McNeal agreed and was
to receive half of everything confiscated on the raids he set up.
Narcs-on-the-take liked the idea of sharing seized dope with
their criminal friends:
Wiley Reed testified
that he was with Brenda Terry when Officers (Robert) Mitchell and (William)
Stackhouse offered to give her a portion of the dope seized if she would set up
dope houses for raids.
Sometimes things happened to disrupt the flow of police bribes.
The corrupt narcs were forced to innovate. That’s how the idea of cops renting
dope pads to pushers came to be:
Roy McNeal testified
that in May of 1972 after the boundary lines of the 10th Precinct
were changed and he was now living in the 13th Precinct, Patrolman
Willie Peeples and Patrolman Charlie Brown contacted him on Pingree and Linwood
regarding moving into the 10th Precinct. Officers Peeples and Brown,
who were receiving and taking money from his dope pad at 1974-76 Pingree, told
him they would rent him a place to use as a narcotics pad in the 10th
Precinct.
One 10th
Precinct narc, a black officer named Richard Herold, gave a whole new meaning
to the term “honkey” according to the testimony of a woman who was running one
of the precinct dope houses:
Alice Bailey James
testified that she placed $100 on Officer Herold’s clipboard when he pulled up
to her house and honked.
The damage to the community from the drug scourge was
captured in the charges against defendant Guido Iaconelli, a civilian shop
owner from Farmington Hills, a Detroit suburb. Iaconelli sold stolen goods. He
ran a fencing operation:
Iaconelli told Roy
McNeal to buy everything he could because it was hot and Iaconelli could sell
it.
The reasons (sic) that
this activity is so felonious is at least two-fold. With the disposition of
this property made convenient and easy, the narcotics dealers were able to
accept goods instead of cash, thus opening their habituating business to a
whole new segment of the community.
Now those persons who did not have cash to
support a habit but who could steal personal property from the community could
also buy narcotics. Thus this barter system increased the volume of business
for the narcotics trafficers (sic) while simultaneously increasing the number
of victims—those who became addicted to narcotics.
The easy disposition
of this stolen property also had a second major ramification. When narcotics
dealers accept goods instead of cash this increases the attractiveness of
burglary and larceny as a means of supporting a habit.
Most of the defendants in the 10th Precinct
Conspiracy were convicted and served time. The prosecution was based almost
entirely on informant testimony.
The old line that history repeats itself applies to police
corruption, too.
In 1988, a few months after he had been sentenced to life in
prison for selling drugs, Rick Wershe was back in the headlines for what he knew
about police drug corruption. The city was rocked by the news that 125 police
officers were under investigation by Detroit Police Internal Affairs for
narcotics corruption and personal drug use.
Media reports said Wershe had told federal agents he had
personally bribed a Narcotics Section sergeant, paying $10,000 to avoid raids
on a specific address, but the sergeant wanted more money.
The story soon faded. Seemingly nothing happened.
In fact,
Assistant Wayne County Prosecutor Patrick Foley visited Wershe in jail and made
him an offer: help us prosecute the corrupt sergeant and in exchange we will
offer you—nothing.
Wershe tells me he told Foley that the prosecutor’s office would
have to give him immunity and some kind of reduction on his life sentence. Wershe
says Foley, now deceased, became very angry and threw a fit. Wershe says he—Wershe—walked
out of the meeting and back to his jail cell.
Is it possible White Boy Rick could have opened the door on
a new police corruption case like the 10th Precinct Pingree Street
Conspiracy? We’ll never know. The prosecutor at the time—a stuffed shirt named
John O’Hair—wasn’t about to dilute his trophy prosecution and the accompanying
life prison sentence imposed just a few months earlier on the media crime sensation known as White Boy
Rick.
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